Why hasn’t the Egyptian public acted yet to stop the massacre in Gaza?

The recent statements made by U.S. Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff exposed the reluctance of Mohammed bin Salman and Abdel Fattah al-Sisi to respond to the genocide unfolding in Gaza. These remarks revealed how deeply the U.S. is aware of simmering anger and unrest beneath the surface in Egypt and Saudi Arabia—an uneasy calm that could erupt into disturbances, seriously undermining Netanyahu’s goals of controlling Gaza by displacing its people.

Witkoff drew distinctions between the reasons behind public anger in Egypt and Saudi Arabia. In Egypt, unemployment, mounting debt, and the crippling economic crisis could push Egyptians into the streets, while in Saudi Arabia, youth radicalization might lead them toward violent forms of protest against the events in Gaza. The context of Witkoff’s statements reveals something more critical: the fragility of Arab regimes and their vulnerability before their own citizens.

The resistance of Hamas, the refusal of Gaza’s people to accept forced displacement, and Netanyahu’s troubled internal situation, collectively form the critical backdrop to Witkoff’s warnings. Netanyahu is not only waging war on Gaza to pressure Hamas into submission but also desperately trying to save his extremist government from collapse and evade accountability for his role in the events of October 7, at least until the Israeli elections scheduled for 2026. This internal political struggle, however, carries the seeds of a looming civil war within Israeli society itself.

Netanyahu, fleeing internal pressures, has thrown himself into uncertainty, seemingly oblivious to repeating the same steps that previously led him nowhere. Since October 7, 2023, he has conducted mass killings and displacement of Gazans, yet the Israeli army continues to face painful blows from the resistance, particularly ground forces that hesitate to re-enter the inferno of Gaza. Netanyahu’s fears extend beyond new fronts of resistance from Gaza, Yemen, or even Iran; he worries about internal revolts among reservists, Haredim refusing military service, and a political opposition waiting for his fall as he stumbles toward disaster.

Amid this charged atmosphere, Netanyahu relies on aerial bombardments, perhaps occasionally realizing that he repeats the same mistakes that failed him months ago. Gazans refuse displacement at all costs, clinging heroically to their land, demonstrating they would rather choose death than surrender. Still, Netanyahu stubbornly persists, heedless of dwindling time in office, growing domestic outrage over the fate of hostages, and opposition to his dismissals of the Shin Bet head and government legal adviser.

Another crucial element in this context followed Witkoff’s statements: Tahnoun bin Zayed’s meeting with Donald Trump, followed by the UAE’s announcement of a massive $1.4 trillion investment in the American economy, and then Mohammed bin Zayed’s visit to Egypt to meet al-Sisi.

Trump, through Witkoff’s remarks, seemingly sought to threaten the UAE, which fears for its national security more than anyone else if al-Sisi’s regime falls. If the Egyptian public revolts, UAE interests in Egypt would be dramatically compromised. Any new government that emerges from a popular revolution would seek to recover what bin Zayed gained in Egypt after the fall of the Muslim Brotherhood, end UAE interference, and strip Abu Dhabi of its regional geopolitical role. The UAE would lose not just Egypt, but Libya, following its severe setbacks in Sudan, potentially finding itself on the defensive as governments and peoples across the region retaliate.

As for why the Egyptian public, whose mobilization could trigger a domino effect throughout the region, has not yet acted—particularly at critical moments like this—two key reasons emerge: the Egyptian military’s tight grip, backed by the U.S. and supported by the UAE; and the absence of an organized elite or opposition following the systematic dismantling of the Muslim Brotherhood by al-Sisi’s regime. This process of systematic dismantling was effectively a political castration—not only for Egypt but for all Arab peoples.

Egypt is not merely the locomotive of the Arab nation but also Gaza’s closest gateway. With a population exceeding 110 million, any significant political or social change in Egypt would ripple throughout the Arab world, potentially triggering seismic shifts across other Arab nations.

Mohammed bin Zayed’s recent visit to Egypt reaffirmed that through the UAE, he still controls Egyptian internal and external affairs, delivering messages from Trump via Tahnoun as explicit instructions and warnings to al-Sisi. The scene highlights Egypt’s deep entrenchment in Arab betrayal, translating into further agony for Gaza.

Reality dictates that Arab regimes have abandoned their Arab identity, their Islam, even their basic humanity and honor, entering into dirty trade-offs, negotiating with Trump over how much money and how much Palestinian blood must flow to preserve their thrones and their fragile armies from their own peoples. Although these peoples simmer in silent anguish, helplessly witnessing their brothers in Gaza falling as martyrs, it seems their anger will remain trapped in helpless grief, failing to ignite revolutions capable of toppling their compliant leaders.